~penarik beca (2)

FEER (6/3/09): Malaysia’s planned leadership transition at the end of March from Ahmad Abdullah Badawi to Mohamed Najib Razak masks a fundamental reconfiguration of Malaysian politics. The United Malays National Organization is in long-term decline, after losing support among Malays for at least a decade. Non-Malays are increasingly reluctant to back the 12 other parties in the UMNO-led National Front coalition, especially those representing ethnic Chinese and Indian minorities, given their limited ability to influence government policy. Doubts that the National Front will be viable much longer without a major overhaul are mounting at a time when the political opposition is surging, reorganized and invigorated by the charismatic former deputy premier, Anwar Ibrahim.

NajibThe magnitude and complexity of Mr. Najib’s challenge can be gauged by the fate of the hapless Prime Minister Abdullah, who is being forced out early in his second term by UMNO power brokers after losing five of 13 state governments and the National Front’s two-thirds majority in Parliament in last March’s general election. Mr. Abdullah recognized what needed to be done: He won a landslide in 2004 by promising to end pervasive corruption, substitute transparency for cronyism and inject integrity into weakened state institutions. When he failed to deliver, obstructed by entrenched UMNO interests and hobbled by lassitude, he was punished by the electorate last year—and UMNO’s inexorable slide resumed.

Mr. Najib’s background doesn’t recommend him for the role of reformer, which is what is required to recover the affection of disenchanted voters. The son of the country’s second premier, Abdul Razak Hussein, and a nephew of Hussein Onn, the third premier, Mr. Najib is from an aristocratic family that is staking its claim to be Malaysia’s first political dynasty. A cousin, Mr. Hussein’s son Hishammuddin Hussein, is education minister and head of UMNO Youth. The youngest member to sit in Malaysia’s Parliament, Mr. Najib was only 22 years old when he was elected to represent the Pekan constituency formerly held by his father, who died in office in 1976. At 23, he was a deputy minister and at 29 he became chief minister of his home state, Pahang. Since joining then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad’s Cabinet at 32, Mr. Najib has held senior portfolios for the past couple of decades, without questioning the ethnic-based political system or proposing significant innovations in his areas of direct policy responsibility. “He is not only part of the system,” says one close associate and supporter. “He trusts the system. He is the system.”

Moreover, Mr. Najib brings to the job much political baggage. In particular there is the case involving an adviser to Mr. Najib of a Mongolian woman who was shot and blown up with specialized C4 plastic explosives in Malaysia in 2006. The adviser, the woman’s former lover, was cleared of ordering her death in a protracted court case that drew harsh public criticism and left vital questions unanswered. Two members of an elite police bodyguard unit assigned to Mr. Najib, who were asked by the adviser to “do something” about the woman because she was blackmailing him, have to answer murder charges. The adviser said he had contacted the two policemen through Mr. Najib’s aide-de-camp, and one of them, a chief inspector, testified that the aide-de-camp had instructed him to help the adviser.

Before the adviser was charged, Mr. Najib sent a text message to a lawyer representing his adviser saying that the adviser “will have to face a tentative charge but all is not lost,” according to a transcript of their exchanges. One of the country’s most popular bloggers and online journalist-editors, Raja Petra Kamarudin, faces sedition and libel charges after allegedly implicating Mr. Najib and his wife in the killing. Although Mr. Najib has denied ever knowing the victim, taking the unusual step of swearing his innocence in a mosque, he has been unable to stem an avalanche of gossip, speculation and serious analysis, much of it circulated on the Internet.

Mr. Najib also has long been embroiled in allegations of corruption in the purchase of big-ticket weapon systems during his two lengthy terms as defense minister (1990-95, 1999-2008; he retained the defense portfolio after becoming deputy prime minister in 2003), when he drove an aggressive military modernization program. According to Foreign Policy in Focus, a Washington-based think tank, foreign arms manufacturers use well-connected Malaysians as lobbyists, paying them commissions of 10% to 20% to win contracts. Malaysia’s political opposition says much of the money goes to people closely associated with UMNO, including Mr. Najib’s contacts, though the police and anticorruption authorities have not investigated particular cases to the satisfaction of complainants.

For example, the 115 million euros “coordination and support services” payment for Malaysia’s purchase in 2002 of two new Scorpene and one reconditioned Agosta submarine for 1 billion euros was paid to Perimekar Sdn. Bhd. Perimekar at the time was owned by a company called K.S. Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd.—later by two other companies as well—which was in turn owned by Abdul Razak Abdullah Baginda, the Najib adviser who stood trial for abetting the murder of the Mongolian woman. The Defense Ministry denied paying a commission and said Peremkear was awarded a genuine contract to support the acquisition of the submarines.

Why UMNO would opt for such a beleaguered leader says a lot about the mood of the party and the depth of the crisis confronting it. Just how much Mr. Najib represents the old order and not a fresh start is reflected in one salient fact: Although Mr. Najib at 55 years of age is considerably younger than Mr. Abdullah, 69, Mr. Najib has been active in politics longer. And yet, within UMNO Mr. Najib is the only candidate to succeed Mr. Abdullah as president. After a series of rule changes during the lengthy Dr. Mahathir presidency, UMNO is tightly controlled, with power concentrated at the top—at division, state and national level—and the 3.2 million ordinary members having little say in party affairs. UMNO veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, a finance minister from a bygone era, attempted to challenge Mr. Najib, but needed nomination by 30%, or fifty-eight, of UMNO’s 191 divisions, one of many rules adopted to protect the leadership. Tengku Razaleigh got one nomination, his own Gua Musang division.

Musa Hitam, a former deputy prime minister and respected party elder, has diagnosed UMNO’s problem as one of old age, with “introverted” party leaders preoccupied with self-interest and oblivious to public concerns about corruption, abuse of power and lack of accountability. The accuracy of his assessment was demonstrated as UMNO heavyweights maneuvered late last year to discard Mr. Abdullah, reluctant to allow him time to implement promised anticorruption, judicial and other reforms. Indeed, influential sections of UMNO strongly resisted the reforms, apparently fearful that independent agencies and courts might put an end to many of the money-making arrangements that have alienated the public. No discernible progress was made in combating so-called “money politics,” an entrenched system of payments in cash and kind that puts a price on nearly every post in UMNO in expectation of contracts and other business opportunities in return.

UMNO, of course, is not Mr. Najib’s only immediate concern. With limited experience in finance, he must prepare to steer Malaysia through the global recession that is engulfing the region. He also is under pressure to address the extremely sensitive issue of affirmative action, still known colloquially by its original name, the New Economic Policy. This is a source of acute unhappiness among not just ethnic Chinese and Indians, but also increasing numbers of Malays without the right political connections. Economists and business executives blame the nep for undermining Malaysia’s competitiveness when China and India loom large, while much of the corruption that taints UMNO can be traced to abuses in various nep programs to assist bumiputras, predominantly Malays.

Mr. Najib as well must match wits with the opposition’s Anwar Ibrahim, a skilled, articulate and seasoned political strategist whom Mr. Najib was happy to acknowledge as a superior when they were allies in UMNO. Mr. Anwar has long declared that Mr. Najib is not an acceptable leader of Malaysia while he fails to clear doubts about both the murder and military commissions. It may not quite add up to a perfect storm that will break over Mr. Najib’s head when he is installed as premier, but he is unlikely to be given the customary honeymoon period that would allow him to settle in with ease.

More energetic and purposeful than Mr. Abdullah, however, Mr. Najib is aware of the need to respond promptly to the multitude of challenges, according to the long-time associate. He points to the action Mr. Najib took after he nearly lost his parliamentary seat 10 years ago as an example of his ability to focus on a problem. In the 1999 general election, dominated by Mr. Anwar’s dismissal and marked by mass defections from UMNO, Mr. Najib’s 10,793 majority in Pekan fell to just 241 votes. Shocked and conceding he had been guilty of neglect, says the associate, Mr. Najib subsequently visited the constituency regularly and encouraged development that helped turn Pekan town into an industrial hub to complement its agricultural base. In the 2004 election, even allowing for the gains from Mr. Abdullah’s overwhelming victory and a drastic boundary delineation exercise that almost doubled the number of Pekan voters, Mr. Najib’s winning margin was stratospheric: 22,922 votes. And he substantially increased his majority to 26,464 last year, despite the government being struck by what was called an electoral tsunami.

Traditionally Malay, Mr. Najib has always taken pains not to appear overly ambitious, preferring to do his politicking behind the scenes with the help of allies. In retrospect, it was a sensible strategy under Prime Minister Mahathir, since he eliminated three prominent UMNO rivals, two of them his deputies, whom he felt threatened his leadership. Buoyed by his pedigree, Mr. Najib has long given colleagues the impression that he expects to inherit his father’s crown in time by patiently building bases in the bureaucracy, business and UMNO. His vast network of loyalists makes him the best connected politician in Malaysia. Many of his followers in the party go all the way back to when he was UMNO Youth chief, says political analyst Joceline Tan, and now a large number of them are heads of divisions, “powerful warlords who call the shots on the ground.”

Significantly, it was when Mr. Najib was acting head of UMNO Youth in 1987 that he sounded a discordant racial note, which raised questions about him in the minds of non-Malays and dogged him for years. It came as communal tension had been building for weeks and he led a huge rally in Kuala Lumpur to confront what was perceived as a Chinese threat to Malay special rights. In the air were ethnic grievances on both sides, though the immediate issue was the government appointment of non-Mandarin-speaking Chinese to administrative posts in Chinese-medium primary schools. As party barriers were overrun by ethnicity, two National Front members, the Malaysian Chinese Association and Gerakan, joined with the opposition Democratic Action Party on occasions in defense of Chinese interests. Mr. Najib was photographed at the demonstration with several other UMNO Youth leaders, wearing white headbands with fists raised, above a banner naming four high-profile opponents, all ethnic Chinese and Indian (though one was a Muslim) and the words, “destroy them.” Followers waved other banners bearing racially provocative slogans. “Our elders should not compromise anymore,” said Mr. Najib. “We are simply fed up.”

Over the years, Mr. Najib was thought to have lived down any suggestion that he is a Malay supremacist. Most analysts attributed his lapse to youthful enthusiasm to prove his Malay credentials and confirm his leadership of UMNO Youth. Almost nobody who knows him thinks he harbors anti-Chinese or anti-Indian sentiment. But the past may be returning to haunt him, as some opponents harp again on the 1987 incident and embellish it with all sorts of extremist actions. A recent opinion poll showing Mr. Najib’s support among Chinese and Indian Malaysians to be only half or one-third that of Malays indicated the campaign to paint him as an extremist may be having an impact. Mr. Najib himself remains sensitive to accusations of chauvinism. “I’m not racist,” he volunteered privately to an opposition member of parliament after last year’s electoral setback, pointing out he had Chinese friends to affirm it.

Another reason middle-class Malaysians remember the 1987 episode is that Dr. Mahathir used the ethnic conflict to justify the biggest crackdown on dissent in Malaysia’s history, codenamed Operation Lalang. The police arrested 119 people over a few months and held them without trial under the Internal Security Act. They included the then parliamentary opposition leader, Lim Kit Siang, other members of parliament and state assemblies, academics and many social activists who had not participated in the ugly communal exchanges. Some, including Mr. Lim, were jailed for two years. It remained a sore point in the community that none of the prominent UMNO protest organizers, especially Mr. Najib, was detained.

Mr. Najib did himself no favor when he declared in 2007 that Malaysia was an Islamic state and had never been secular, igniting a firestorm. His comment contradicted the historical record and split Mr. Abdullah’s cabinet and the community when the country was supposed to be celebrating 50 years of independence. While Mr. Abdullah sought to quell the debate with a statement that Malaysia was neither a theocratic nor a secular state but a parliamentary democracy, Chinese and Indians found a further reason to be wary of Mr. Najib.

Nonideological like most UMNO politicians, Mr. Najib has moved in and out of informal political alliances as opportunities presented themselves. Crucially, he supported Prime Minister Mahathir in 1987, when he was challenged for the party presidency by Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, who had been groomed by Mr. Najib’s late father.

Mr. Najib was part of Anwar Ibrahim’s so-called Vision Team that swept into office in UMNO in 1993, when Mr. Anwar marshaled so much support he forced then Deputy Prime Minister Ghafar Baba to withdraw from the contest for deputy president of the party. Comprising then Youth and Sports Minister Muhyiddin Yassin and then Selangor Chief Minister Muhammad Muhammad Taib, as well as Mr. Najib, the Vision Team took all three vice president’s posts, though the team disintegrated the following year.

Mr. Najib’s allegiance to Dr. Mahathir eventually paid off, though not before Mr. Najib suffered a huge disappointment and endured many anxious moments about his future. In 1998, Dr. Mahathir passed over Mr. Najib and chose Mr. Abdullah Badawi, a former member of Tengku Razaleigh’s dissident faction, to replace the sacked Mr. Anwar as deputy prime minister. Dr. Mahathir explained later that he hoped Mr. Abdullah would occupy the prime minister’s office for one term and then make way for the younger Mr. Najib. In fact, Mr. Najib—more personable, eloquent and better educated, with a degree in industrial economics—was Dr. Mahathir’s first preference to succeed him. But since he had dismissed Mr. Anwar as morally unfit and the government was under pressure from the sectarian Parti Islam SeMalaysia (pas), Dr. Mahathir opted for Mr. Abdullah, who did not smoke or drink and had impeccable Islamic credentials.

Although Mr. Abdullah duly named Mr. Najib his deputy in 2003, he did so only after Dr. Mahathir publicly pressured him, and Mr. Abdullah later showed no interest in retiring after his first term. As Dr. Mahathir waged open warfare on Mr. Abdullah from 2006 for abandoning many of the former premier’s projects and policies, he tried to goad Mr. Najib into open revolt against the prime minister, at one point branding him a “coward” for not doing so. But Mr. Najib preferred to wait for his turn, publicly playing the loyal deputy while working his extensive factional network in UMNO to ensure his succession.

Although long, Mr. Najib’s record offers few clues as to how he might approach his prime ministerial assignment, beyond acting cautiously and pragmatically. So light has been his ministerial touch, except in defense, that it is hard to establish where he stands on major issues, or how he would like Malaysia to adapt to the strong currents buffeting the country, from globalization externally to so-called “creeping Islamization” within. The charitable explanation is that he was long overshadowed by the dominant Dr. Mahathir, who involved himself in almost every major policy his administration pursued for 22 years.

One area where Mr. Najib did leave his mark is education, although typically it was Dr. Mahathir who took the initiative to liberalize policies in an effort to turn Malaysia into an education hub in the region. Education Minister from 1995-99, Mr. Najib introduced in 1996 the Private Higher Educational Institutions Act, which allowed private foreign universities to establish campuses in Malaysia and grant degrees. It was one of several measures that created more options for students, especially nonbumiputras. The number of private universities rose to 16 in 2001 from zero in 1995, while the number of private colleges more than quadrupled to 690 in 2001 from 156 in 1992. Mr. Najib also pleased nonbumiputras by amending other legislation so that the minister no longer had the power to convert Chinese- and Tamil-medium primary schools into national schools. The Chinese and Indian communities interpreted the move as strengthening existing commitments that they would continue to have their own mother-tongue education.

As a survivor who has been through the mill and does not fluster easily, Mr. Najib faces a challenge not unlike what confronted his father, Razak, after the 1969 general election, the only other time that the Malaysian government lost its two-thirds parliamentary majority. After bloody racial riots in the wake of the poll and the suspension of Parliament, Razak broadened the three-party Alliance into the National Front by co-opting opposition parties to widen its appeal, and adopted the nep to help close the economic gap between the Malays and the Chinese. Nearly 40 years later, one key to Mr. Najib’s success may be to dismantle his father’s economic legacy, which is now impeding development, widening inequality and perpetuating ethnic fissures in society. Mr. Anwar has proposed a Malaysian Economic Agenda to replace the nep and help all needy Malaysians rather than bumiputras alone. As Mr. Najib’s brother, Nazir Razak, chief executive of Bumiputra-Commerce Holdings Bhd., the country’s second largest bank, observed, “It doesn’t take much genius to look at some of the present policies arising from the nep that are undermining national unity and also investment.”

Overhauling the nep would take political courage, however, since any dilution of affirmative action potentially threatens the entire patronage network on which the UMNO edifice is built. And, in Mr. Najib’s case, he has been put in charge, implicitly, to nurture and protect the system rather than undermine or overturn it. His limited room for maneuver was obvious when he commented that the nep would be liberalized and eventually abolished. Although the backlash from vested Malay interests forced him to retreat, Mr. Najib persisted with the liberalization of rules covering new listings on Bursa Malaysia. Stressing that 30% bumiputra equity participation remains government policy, he said companies that could not attract bumiputra investors would be able to sell their shares to the wider public. A relatively bold move, it is likely to be the model as Mr. Najib proceeds with his juggling act: to maintain the form but gradually abolish the substance of the nep.

For similar reasons, Mr. Najib is unlikely to attempt to clean up UMNO, since that would antagonize the divisional warlords and others who delivered the votes for him and now expect to reap the business rewards. As the close associate of Mr. Najib puts it, “He won’t cut his own throat.” Having been protected from challenge by the widely criticized quota system in UMNO elections, Mr. Najib has retained it. And he has dampened expectations that he will put a quick end to corruption in the party, which is so endemic that Tengku Ahmad Rithaudeen, chairman of UMNO’s disciplinary board, suggested the elimination of four subordinate wings, including the male and female youth sections, in an effort to reduce the number of internal elections and limit bribery to buy posts. Ruling out such radical surgery, Mr. Najib said vote-buying in the party must be fought with “political will,” thus adopting much the same stance as his predecessors.

Mr. Najib has talked often of the need for the National Front to change to meet public aspirations, warning that “If we don’t have the courage to change, the people will change us” at the next general election. But almost everything about Mr. Najib proclaims the status quo. Among other things, he has defended the Internal Security Act, adopted originally to counter communist subversion, though sometimes used by the government against legitimate political opponents and even by one faction of UMNO against another. While praising the Internal Security Act for keeping Malaysia safe from terrorism, Mr. Najib acknowledged “some controversies relating to how the act has been used lately,” which he said would be addressed at an unspecified point “in future.” As academic analyst Ooi Kee Beng wrote, “No nominee for the top posts in the coming party elections can be taken seriously as a possible agent of change.”

Leading the government campaign in two high-profile by-elections, Mr. Najib lapsed easily into old habits, notwithstanding his rhetoric extolling change. After Mr. Anwar scored heavily last August to regain his Permatang Pauh parliamentary seat, conveniently kept warm for a decade by his wife, Mr. Najib called on UMNO to reclaim the party’s dignity by retaining the Kuala Terengganu constituency it won in 2008. UMNO fielded a deputy minister who, though locally born, had served as the prime minister’s political secretary and was seen as elitist and identified with Mr. Abdullah’s discredited leadership. To compound the error, Mr. Najib tried to secure victory the familiar way by doling out tens of millions of U.S. dollars in projects, including government contracts for nearly 600 Malay small-contractors on one occasion. Still he failed to meet the mood for change in the country, and the seat fell to the opposition.

Once in office, Mr. Najib is expected to rejuvenate the government by appointing a number of new ministers and tightening management of the country. He will try to meet economic goals by reducing waste and improving performance in a bloated and fairly inefficient bureaucracy, according to associates. Recognizing that he will not be able to disband the patronage network, the associates suggest, Mr. Najib will seek to open the system and spread the benefits more widely.

A pertinent question is how well the blue-blooded Mr. Najib can relate to ordinary Malaysians and persuade them he feels their pain in the economic downturn. One of the Four Noblemen of the Pahang Royal Court by virtue of an inherited title, Mr. Najib completed his secondary education at a boy’s college in Worcestershire before attending Nottingham University. Polished, with receding gray hair and moustache, he speaks competent English and cuts a worldly figure. “I am equally comfortable sitting in a surau in my constituency or having dinner at Simpson’s on the Strand,” he was once quoted as saying, referring to an upscale London restaurant. Some of his comments, though, have suggested he might be more at home with cosmopolitan diners than local worshippers. Mr. Najib’s recommendation, in response to unpopular fuel price rises in 2006, that people adjust their lifestyle, “like using public transport,” struck many as similar to the “let them eat cake” comment popularly attributed to Marie Antoinette before the French Revolution. Two years later, Mr. Najib still seemed to be grasping for the common touch, when he advised UMNO leaders to be humble and friendly towards “village folk,” whom he said were not hard to please. “When we are in our car, we cannot fall asleep as we won’t be able to wave back at them,” he said. “Otherwise they could feel hurt.”

A danger for Mr. Najib is that he has left himself exposed to ridicule by his fiercest political opponents, who will not accord him the minimum respect due to a Malaysian leader. At points during the Kuala Terengganu by-election, as in Permatang Pauh earlier, he was greeted with posters of the murdered Mongolian woman, Altantuya Shaariibuu, and chants of “Al-tan-tu-ya,” or worse. The protesters were invariably supporters of Mr. Anwar’s People’s Justice Party. Mr. Najib seemed to recognize the excruciating embarrassment when he sent a private message to dap leaders, Secretary General Lim Guan Eng and his father, Lim Kit Siang. Mr. Najib told a dap legislator he appreciated the Lims for not “being personal,” meaning that in their criticism of the Mongolian case they have stopped short of vilifying him.

Implicitly confirming that he sees Mr. Anwar as his prime threat and target, Mr. Najib also told the opposition legislator that he would like to find ways to cooperate with the dap-led Penang state government. pas has not given priority to the murder, believing most Malays have made up their minds and there are few votes to be won on the issue. While the dap has pursued the matter, it has focused more on the legality of the case rather directing accusations at Mr. Najib. In addition to making life uncomfortable for Mr. Najib over the killing, Mr. Anwar, with his organizational skills, is seen as the lynchpin of the People’s Front, which groups the three opposition parties. Mr. Najib recognizes that the Anwar bandwagon must be derailed if UMNO and the National Front are to survive.

Mr. Anwar and Mr. Najib have been headed for a showdown since mid-2008, when Mr. Anwar was charged, for the second time in a decade, with sodomy. After photos surfaced showing Mr. Anwar’s accuser, Mohamad Saiful Bukhari Azlan, with a Najib aide, Mr. Najib said Mr. Saiful had visited his office three months earlier in relation to a government scholarship. Later, though, Mr. Najib admitted Mr. Saiful had visited his home and discussed the alleged sexual attack before lodging a police complaint against Mr. Anwar. Opposition claims of a conspiracy against Mr. Anwar included pointing the finger of suspicion at Mr. Najib.

Considering that opinion polls have shown that most Malaysians do not believe the allegations against Mr. Anwar and that they are damaging the country’s reputation, Prime Minister Najib could consider dropping the charges. It might relieve some of the pressure on the government and deny Mr. Anwar a platform to claim persecution and attract more sympathy and support at home and abroad. But judging by Mr. Najib’s intervention in Perak in February, in which he encouraged defections to topple the People’s Front state government, he seems eager to indulge what have been called his “street-fighting instincts” against Mr. Anwar. The prospect of securing a conviction and eliminating Mr. Anwar from politics, however slim, may prove irresistible.

Some critics have suggested that Mr. Najib, with Dr. Mahathir’s backing, might be tempted to return to Dr. Mahathir’s authoritarian ways and use political turmoil as a pretext for detaining opponents or declaring emergency rule. But, initially at least, Mr. Najib hopes to win support by conversation rather than coercion. In September, he launched a Web site (www.1Malaysia.com.my), which he was at pains to describe as personal, not official, so the public could engage in “open and honest dialogue directly” with him. “I do not believe in the politics of ‘deceive, divide and rule.’ Returning to our long-held belief in unity and mutual respect is more important now than ever,” he said in his initial message.

Although Mr. Najib pronounced himself happy with the response, three months before he was due to replace Mr. Abdullah, only 41% of Malaysians thought Mr. Najib would be a good prime minister. Even the inept Mr. Abdullah had a 46% approval rating in the poll, conducted by the independent Merdeka Centre. After waiting more than three decades for his moment to lead the nation, Najib Razak is taking over “without the burden of overly high expectations,” as one report put it, but burdened on almost every other score.

Barry Wain, a former editor of The Wall Street Journal Asia, is author of the forthcoming book Malaysian Maverick: Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times.

Gobind suspended over Altantuya (Malaysiakini 12/3/09)

Gobind evicted for raising Altantuya case

The Edge (12/3/09): Gobind Singh Deo (Puchong-DAP) became the second MP to be ejected from parliament sitting today after he demanded that Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak answer allegations linking him to the Altantuya Shariibuu murder case.

During the committee stage debate on the mini-budget, Gobind questioned the rationale for spending RM95 million on the Kuantan Court Complex when the structure that was supposed to keep the criminal justice system in check was not up to mark.

Gobind, who was twice suspended from parliament last year, went on to ask Najib to answer allegations about his connection to the Altantuya murder case.

He cited investigating officer for the case Supt Gan Tack Guan who had agreed with him in Raja Petra Kamarudin's ongoing trial that Najib was an important witness to the case (Altantuya murder) but had yet to provide any statement.

Deputy Speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee (Beluran-BN) told Gobind to stop bringing up that issue as the matter was now in the court but he kept demanding Najib, who was present in the House, to answer the question. At this point Datuk Seri Jamaludin Jarjis (Rompin-BN) shouted at Gobind from across the floor while Najib remained seated.

More MPs on both sides stood up to join in the fray which ended when Kiandee directed sergeants-at-arm to escort Gobind out.

Later, Gobind, accompanied by 11 DAP and PKR MPs, told the press that his suspension did not matter much.

"What is important is the question that has to be asked must be asked in the Dewan. And I think we must be brave enough to face the consequences," he said, challenging Najib to make a public announcement in response to what Gan had said in the Raja Petra's case.

Lim Kit Siang (Ipoh Timur-DAP), who walked out in support of Gobind, said Najib should have stood up and clarified the matter.

"Critical and fundamental to the whole issue of the RM60 billion stimulus package is the question of confidence in the prime minister (to be). Haunting and dogging him will be the Altantuya case."Dewan Rakyat: Speaker orders Puchong MP to leave

NST (12/3/09): Puchong MP Gobind Singh Deo became the second man today to be thrown out of the House for rude behaviour.

Gobind had been debating the need for new court buildings at the committee stage of the mini budget when he irked the chair.

He said the government did not need to build new court buildings but needed instead to provide for a judiciary with integrity.

The government has allocated some RM95 million under the mini budget for new court buildings.

Gobind then raised the problem of A. Kugan who had died in the police lock-up at the Subang Jaya police station.
"But up to now, nobody has been charged over the death of Kugan," he said.

Gobind then went on to declare that the same had happened with regard to the murder of Mongolian model Altantuya Shaaribuu.

"A police officer agreed with me that Najib (deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak) is a crucial witness to her murder. But nothing was done to interview him," he said.

At this point, Deputy Speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee interjected and told Gobind he could not speak about the Altantuya murder as it was subjudice.

Gobind protested and insisted on doing so.

Tired, Ronald then ordered Gobind out for the rest of the afternoon session.

Two MPs thrown out of Dewan

The Star (12/3/09): Two MPs - one from Barisan Nasional and the other from the Pakatan Rakyat - were ejected from the House within hours of each other during the debate on the second stimulus package.

Datuk Siringan Gubat (BN-Ranau) was ordered to leave at 11.35am when he spoke up without being invited by the Chair.

Ironically, Speaker Tan Sri Pandikar Amin Mulis had just finished his speech advising MPs to behave themselves when debating contentious issues when Siringan spoke up.

Siringan, who remained seated instead of standing up and waiting for his turn to speak, said: Ngam, Tuan Speaker, ngam. (Fair, Mr Speaker, fair.)

Pandikar Amin immediately asked him to leave the Dewan.

Siringan asked if he could be forgiven, but the Speaker stood firm.

The incident occurred after Dr Mujahid Yusof Rawa (PAS-Parit Buntar), in a supplementary question, had asked what the Government was doing to curb parties that used a narrow perspective of the term social contract to attack other races in their speeches.

His question created an uproar.

As Dr Mujahid asked his question, he claimed that he heard someone uttering the word bodoh (stupid) at him.

“Kalau jantan, berdiri sekarang. (If you are man enough, show yourself now.), Dr Mujahid shouted.

At the Parliament lobby, Siringan said was not angry over Pandikar’s ruling.

“I did not ask for permission when I said that. If it is not right, I am sorry about that.

“It is okay. I am alright,” he told reporters.

Siringan, a Ranau state assemblyman since 1989 but a first-term MP, returned to the House at 2.30pm.

But less than five hours later, Gobind Singh Deo (DAP-Puchong) was ejected from the House for the day at 4.10pm after he kept speaking up about the murder case of Mongolian Altantuya Sharibuu.

Gobind Singh had referred to the Altantuya Sharibuu murder case when he was stopped by Deputy Speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee, who told him that pending court cases could not be debated in the House.

At the time, Finance Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak had just sat down after his winding-up speech on the second stimulus package.

Najib's wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor was reportedly sitting at the observers gallery when the incident occurred.

Gobind Singh was undeterred and continued to say that Najib was involved in the murder and urged him to explain.

Kiandee then ordered the Sergeant-at-Arms to escort Gobind Singh out, who refused to budge from his seat.

Gobind Singh shouted "You should be ashamed of yourself!" as he walked out of the House amidst thumps on tables by Barisan Nasional MPs.

After Gobind Singh left, Tian Chua (PKR-Batu) asked Kiandee if anyone in the House was not allowed to utter the word Altantuya.

Kiandee retorted that the Speaker had earlier already made it clear that pending court matters cannot be raised in the House and told the next MP to present his speech.

Gobind Singh told reporters in the lobby that it did not matter that he was suspended because it was more important that questions be asked in the House.

He called on Najib to make a public announcement in response to one "Superintendent Gan" who said that Najib was an important witness in the murder case.

DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang said Najib should have just stood up and clarified the issue Gobind Singh had raised.

Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz, who is in charge of parliamentary affairs, expressed hope that the MPs from both Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Rakyat would take heed of the seriousness of the Speaker's actions and not waste time bringing up unnecessary points.

The Minister in the Prime Minister's Department said recalcitrant MPs deserved punishment from Pandikar Amin, whom he noted had a high tolerance threshold for the behaviour of MPs in the House.

"The Speaker's decision came after he has been in the post for more than a year of tolerating the situation in the House, and I admire his patience.

"The said MPs deserved to leave. Let that be a lesson to all," he said at the Parliament lobby.

The Sun (25/2/09): The choice of the Prime Minister of Malaysia is at the sole discretion of the King and not to be disputed, Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Mohamed Nazri Abdul Aziz told the Dewan Rakyat today.

This is in accordance to Article 40(2) of the Federal Constitutiuon, Nazri said in response to a question from Gobind Singh Deo (DAP-Puchong) who asked if the government would abolish the present system of choosing the PM and employ a system where the people of all races can choose the PM like in the United States.

Nazri said Malaysia goes by the constitutional monarchy and democratic parliamentary system modeled after the Westminster in the United Kingdom.

"Our Prime Minister is a member of the Dewan Rakyat who commands authority over the majority members of the House, and in Malaysia’s case, the leader of Parti Perikatan now known as Barisan Nasional has been administering the country since independence," he said.

"We have a different system from the Americans, which allows citizens to vote for their president directly every four years. Usually presidents of nations are elected directly but this is not the same case for a Prime Minister.

In the present system in Malaysia, voters know that their ballot indirectly determines the Prime Minister coming into power.

This system is one encompassed in the Federal Constitution and not based on decision of the Executive arm or the government.

“Therefore any attempts to change this system have to go through Parliament.”

Following that an argument ensued when Gobind asked if there were mechanisms to ensure that the candidates for PM are free of any doubts or scandals.

Raising allegations against Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak’s alleged link to the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder, Gobind said he had not been investigated despite being a key witness in the case.

“This was acknowledged by investigating officer Supt Gan Tack Guan during the sedition trial of blogger Raja Petra Kamaruddin, and Gan is incidentally also the investigating officer for the Altantuya murder,” Gobind said as BN backbenchers protested noisily.

Nazri replied: “In Malaysia, a person is innocent until proven guilty in court. So in this case what is raised is merely speculation.”

“Speculation, rumours and allegations cannot influence our decision which has to be based on strong evidence against an individual,” he said.

"According to Article 40(2) of the Federal Constitution the King can accept or reject the candidate for Prime Minister. Matters of appointment of the Prime Minister depends on the King's decision and if the King decides to accept Pekan MP (Najib) as Prime Minister then it is not our responsibility to dispute it," he added.

Mohd Nor Othman (BN-Hulu Terengganu) then said Gobind’s question on whether the PM can be elected directly by the people was an infringement of the Constitution and denies the King’s right to appoint the PM.

Nazri replied: “This is their problem, they are fighting for ketuanan rakyat (people’s power) where the rakyat is to replace the monarchy."

"When we talk about Malay supremacy we are not saying that the Malays are more powerful than the Chinese or Indians- we are acknowledging that the Kings and Sultans are heads of their respective states," he said.

Raising a point of Order, Gobind then accused Nazri of insinuating that the Pakatan Rakyat wants to overthrow the Kings and Sultans and accused him of evoking uneasiness amongst the races, raising the fury of back benchers again.

Deputy Speaker Ronald Kiandee then interrupted saying that he did not think it was the minister’s intention to incite anyone and allowed Nazri to continue answering the questions raised.

BN accuses Pakatan of wanting a republic

Malaysian Insider (25/2/09): Barisan Nasional (BN) members of parliament today accused Pakatan Rakyat (PR) of wanting to establish a republic by suggesting direct elections for the prime minister’s post.

The matter arose after Gobind Singh Deo (DAP- Puchong) suggested in parliament today direct elections for prime minister “just as in the United States”.

Mohd Nor Othman (BN - Hulu Terengganu), said that such a suggestion would result in presidential elections which he argued would in effect replace the King as head of state.

“We know the Malaysian system is different from the US. Here we have the King and the US has its president. The suggestions to follow the US system means denying the King as head of state. Is this an effort (by PR) to compromise the constitution?”

De facto law minister Nazri agreed with Mohd Nor and said that that was the difference between BN and PR as the latter is championing ketuanan rakyat, or supremacy of the people, while BN was championing ketuanan Melayu, or Malay supremacy.

“Ketuanan Melayu does not mean that Malays are stronger than Chinese or Indians,” said Nazri.

“It means that the Malay rulers are the heads of the states. I hope we do not question the power of the King because if we want to elect the prime minister directly, it means we do not want the system we have today.”

PR lawmakers immediately objected to his remarks with Khalid Samad (PAS - Shah Alam) clarifying that PR was not suggesting that the King be replaced with a president and saying that direct elections for prime minister can be aligned with the present framework.

Gobind also accused the BN parliamentarians of sedition for saying that PR wanted to replace the King.

BN has been trying to paint PR as anti-monarchy ever since ousted Perak Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Mohammad Nizar Jamaluddin refused a request by the Sultan of Perak to resign.

Umno, in particular, has been vocal about the issue, and have accused PR leaders of treason.

Earlier, Nazri’s reply to Gobind’s original question was that the present system had served the country well and people indirectly elected the prime minister who is the head of the winning party.

Gobind disagreed, arguing that the prime minister needs the confidence of the majority of the public and that a mechanism was needed to prevent tainted candidates from assuming office.

“Pekan’s member of parliament will become prime minister even though he has terrible scandals and is involved in a murder case,” said Gobind, referring to persistent talk linking Datuk Seri Najib Razak to the murder of Mongolian model Altantuya Shaariibuu.

“This is clear when the investigating officer Gan said that he (Najib) was an important witness in the case. What measures are there in the government to ensure such candidates do not become eligible (for prime minister) in Malaysia?”

Why PM is not directly elected

The Star (26/2/09): Pakatan Rakyat has been accused of trying to replace the King’s role when it suggested that the Prime Minister should be directly elected.

Gobind Singh Deo (DAP - Puchong) had asked why Malaysia did not allow its people to directly elect their prime minister “like what is done in the United States”.

Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department Datuk Seri Nazri Abd Aziz replied that Malaysia practised the constitutional monarchy, adding that the country’s democracy system was based on the Westminster model.

“Selecting a leader directly is the process to elect presidents and not prime ministers. The current system practised in Malaysia is enshrined in the Constitution and not a decision made by the Executives,” he said, adding that under the Federal Constitution, the King had his discretion in appointing the Prime Minister.

At one point, Nazri, replying to Mohd Nor Othman ( BN - Hulu Terengganu), said the problem with Pakatan MPs’ move in championing Ketuanan Rakyat (people’s supremacy) was that the people would end up replacing the King.

“When we talk about the Malay supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu), it is not about having Malays being stronger than the Chinese or Indians. This is in relation to having Sultans as head of states. So, I hope we do not question the role of the King here.

“When the Prime Minister is elected directly, does it not mean we do not want our current system - which is having the King appointing the Prime Minister?” he asked.

This prompted Khalid Abd Samad (PAS - Shah Alam) to stand up, citing Point of Order 36 (12) that the minister was misleading the House.

Urging Nazri to withdraw his remark, Khalid objected, saying that Nazri was making inference that opposition MPs wanted to abolish the constitutional monarchy.

“I urged the minister to retract. No one wants to take over the King’s role,” he said, in the midst of shouting by backbenchers.

Khalid also noted that Pakatan had put out a joint declaration in support of Federal Constitution and the constitutional monarchy.

At one point, Gobind Singh stood on a point of order, accusing Nazri of uttering words promoting ill-feelings in his reply.

Deputy Speaker Datuk Ronald Kiandee, who was presiding, ruled in favour of Nazri, pointing out that the remarks in question did not promote ill-feelings.

Raja Petra sedition trial: Why Najib was not questioned

NST (11/2/09): Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak was not questioned in the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder investigations as he was not involved in the case, a police officer told the Sessions court yesterday.

Superintendent Gan Tack Guan, formerly from the Kuala Lumpur Serious Crimes Division, said there was no need to record Najib's statement as investigations had revealed that the deputy prime minister was not involved in the Mongolian woman's murder.

Gan said this was based on the initial murder investigations conducted by the investigating officer Assistant Superintendent Tony Lunggan.

"If he (Najib) was not involved, why should he be called in for questioning?" Gan responded during cross-examination by counsel Gobind Singh Deo yesterday.

The police officer was testifying in the trial of blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin who was charged with posting a seditious article titled, Let's send the Altantuya murderers to hell, on his website.
The alleged offence was committed at his house in Bukit Rahman Putra, Sungai Buloh, on April 25. The article also implicated Najib and his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor in Altantuya's murder.

Gan, who is now head of Interpol at the Federal police headquarters in Bukit Aman, is the fifth prosecution witness to take the stand. He is also the complainant in this case.

Yesterday, he disagreed with counsel that police did not record Najib's statement as "they had no guts to question the DPM".

Gobind: I put it to you that the reason you did not question Najib in this case is because the police knew for a fact that he was involved in the murder and had no guts to reveal this in their probe.

Gan: I disagree.

He further disagreed that the decision to lodge a police report against Raja Petra was politically motivated.

Gan testified that some of the contents in the alleged article were unfounded, but disagreed when told that the writer was telling the truth when he wrote the article.

Judge Rozina Ayob adjourned the case to tomorrow after being informed that Raja Petra was due at the Federal Court today for another matter.

NST (11/2/09): Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak was not questioned in the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder investigations as he was not involved in the case, a police officer told the Sessions court yesterday.

Superintendent Gan Tack Guan, formerly from the Kuala Lumpur Serious Crimes Division, said there was no need to record Najib's statement as investigations had revealed that the deputy prime minister was not involved in the Mongolian woman's murder.

Gan said this was based on the initial murder investigations conducted by the investigating officer Assistant Superintendent Tony Lunggan.

"If he (Najib) was not involved, why should he be called in for questioning?" Gan responded during cross-examination by counsel Gobind Singh Deo yesterday.

The police officer was testifying in the trial of blogger Raja Petra Kamarudin who was charged with posting a seditious article titled, Let's send the Altantuya murderers to hell, on his website.
The alleged offence was committed at his house in Bukit Rahman Putra, Sungai Buloh, on April 25. The article also implicated Najib and his wife Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor in Altantuya's murder.

Gan, who is now head of Interpol at the Federal police headquarters in Bukit Aman, is the fifth prosecution witness to take the stand. He is also the complainant in this case.

Yesterday, he disagreed with counsel that police did not record Najib's statement as "they had no guts to question the DPM".

Gobind: I put it to you that the reason you did not question Najib in this case is because the police knew for a fact that he was involved in the murder and had no guts to reveal this in their probe.

Gan: I disagree.

He further disagreed that the decision to lodge a police report against Raja Petra was politically motivated.

Gan testified that some of the contents in the alleged article were unfounded, but disagreed when told that the writer was telling the truth when he wrote the article.

Judge Rozina Ayob adjourned the case to tomorrow after being informed that Raja Petra was due at the Federal Court today for another matter.

mStar Online (6/1/09): Tindakan pembangkang memainkan isu wanita Mongolia, Altantuya Shariibu yang dibunuh dua tahun lalu ketika kempen pilihan raya kecil Kuala Terengganu adalah tidak relevan sama sekali.

"Nampaknya perkara itu cuba dibangkitkan pembangkang... kalau mereka bawa isu seperti ini maknanya mereka sudah bankrap isu.

"Ia tiada kaitan sama sekali dengan pilihan raya kecil ini," kata beliau.

Awal pagi semalam enam anggota Angkatan Muda Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) termasuk Timbalan Pengerusinya ditahan polis ketika menampal poster wajah wanita Mongolia itu di laluan-laluan dilalui Najib ketika berada di sini menjelang hari penamaan calon hari ini.

Bagaimanapun mereka dibebaskan awal ini dan dipanggil semula untuk disoal siasat oleh polis petang ini.

Sehubungan itu, Najib yang juga Timbalan Perdana Menteri berkata, Barisan Nasional (BN) bersedia menjawab segala isu yang akan dibangkitkan oleh pembangkang ketika berkempen di sini.

Timbalan Pengerusi BN itu berkata, BN tidak menjangkakan banyak isu akan ditimbulkan pada pilihan raya kecil itu, yang menyaksikan pertandingan tiga penjuru melibatkan calon BN, PAS dan Bebas.

Beliau berkata pada masa ini, pembangkang semakin terdesak menggunakan isu-isu nasional dan keadaan itu menunjukkan bahawa mereka sudah ketandusan isu.

"Pada pilihan raya kecil ini, isu yang mungkin menjadi tumpuan ialah isu tempatan. Bagaimanapun, jika ada isu nasional, BN sedia jawab," jelas beliau.

Terdahulu beliau mengetuai rombongan BN yang mengiringi calon mereka Datuk Wan Ahmad Farid Wan Salleh untuk mengemukakan borang penamaan calon di Stadium Negeri di sini hari ini.

Dalam perkembangan berkaitan, Najib berkata, BN akan menggunakan pendekatan "BN mesra rakyat" sebagai tema kempen pada pilihan raya kecil Kuala Terengganu, dengan menjadikan rakyat sebagai fokus utama parti itu.

"Saya tekankan konsep mesra rakyat kerana ia menggambarkan apa yang dilaksanakan BN. Kumpulan sasar kita tidak lain tidak bukan adalah rakyat. Rakyatlah yang kita utamakan dalam semua bentuk program dan projek yang kita laksanakan," katanya.

Daripada segi jentera BN pula, Najib berkata, parti itu telah membahagikan tugas secara khusus termasuk kepada sayap-sayap dalam BN.

"Kita akan kerja kuat untuk memberitahu, semua polisi berkhidmat kepada rakyat BN adalah polisi terbaik. Sokongan ramai pada hari ini adalah permulaan positif untuk kita.

"(Bagaimanapun) kita tidak mahu terlalu yakin kerana kita tidak ada 'bola kristal'. Tetapi kita percaya, kita akan menang dengan lebih baik. Itu sasaran dan kita akan lakukan yang terbaik untuk mencapainya," kata beliau.

Malaysian Insider (14/10/08): Datuk Seri Najib Razak has denied any abuse of power in relation to the Altantuya Shaariibuu murder investigations and the government's acquisition of 12 Eurocopter helicopters.

But he did not deny the text message exchanges between him and a lawyer at the heart of the allegations were genuine. He said the SMS exchanges were a private matter.

"Why do I need to comment? There is no abuse of power," the deputy prime minister said.

Malaysia Today carried a report detailing what it alleged was an exchange of text messages between Najib and Datuk Shafee Abdullah, the prominent lawyer who represented Abdul Razak Baginda, the close associate of Najib who was eventually charged with abetting two police officers in the murder of Altantuya in 2006.

In one SMS, Najib allegedly tells the lawyer that Razak — his advisor — "will face a tentative charge but all is not lost".

Malaysia Today said this message raises some questions about Najib's role in the case. "Why did he mention "tentative" charge and that "all is not lost" for RB (Razak Baginda)? How would Najib know this before Razak was charged? These are important questions which will have ramifications, not just on this case but far beyond," a posting on the website said.

However, Najib would neither confirm nor deny that the supposed SMS exchange between him and Shafee were genuine.

"It doesn't really matter. The important thing is there is no abuse of power," he said.

"No need, no need, it is private. Whatever it is, the prime minister has said enough," he continued in the same tone.

"Why should it be of major concern? The important thing is if there is abuse of power and, if you read it carefully, there is no abuse of power, period," Najib reasoned .

On the issue of the RM2.3 billion Eurocopter deal claimed by the opposition to cost more than other tenders, he merely stated that a full explanation would be given in Parliament.

"Whatever the opposition said is not true," he said dismissively. "We will give you the facts later."

Harakah (2/10/08): Blogger yang baru-baru ini ditangkap di bawah Akta Hasutan, Sheih, sekali lagi membuat dakwaan menggemparkan apabila meminta Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Abdullah Ahmad Badawi menafikan bahawa beliau pernah menerima RM200 juta dari isteri Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor, sebahagian dari komisyen urus niaga kapal selam berjumlah RM500 juta yang didakwa diterima oleh Abdul Razak Baginda.

"Adalah satu langkah baik jika Abdullah menafikan beliau pernah menerima RM200 juta dari komisyen urus niaga kapal selam berjumlah setengah juta ringgit yang kita dakwa diterima oleh Razak Baginda.

"Sumber saya menyatakan Rosmah membayar Abdullah RM200 juta dari komisyen urus niaga kapal selam. Beliau (sumber itu) tidak menyatakan apa-apa mengenai Razak Baginda," dakwa beliau dalam blognya, kickdefella.wordpress.com

Sheih juga mendakwa penyiasat persendirian yang menghilangkan diri, P. Balasubramaniam, menerima RM5 juta dari Rosmah untuk menutup mulutnya.

"Saya diberitahu bahawa isteri (Datuk Seri) Najib (Tun Razak) menemui Bala di British Isle beberapa hari selepas penyiasat persendirian itu menghilangkan diri dan membayar Bala RM5 juta.

"Saya diberitahu bahawa Bala dan keluarganya sedang berusaha untuk mendapatkan kewarganegaraan India. Saya benar-benar berharap ini tidak benar dan Rosmah akan membuat kenyataan menafikannya," dakwa blogger itu.

Blogger itu juga mendakwa bahawa Najib pernah menulis surat kepada beberapa kedutaan asing meminta mereka memberikan visa masuk ke negara mereka.

"Saya diberitahu bahawa sebelum lawatan Najib ke beberapa negara Eropah, beliau menulis kepada kedutaan Perancis, Itali dan Pesuruhjaya Tinggi British meminta mereka memberikan visa masuk ke negara mereka dari Kuala Lumpur kepada Altantunya Shaariibuu.

"Najib sendiri sebagai Menteri Pertahanan (ketika itu) menandatangani surat tersebut. Pesuruhjaya Tinggi British menolak permohonan itu tetapi beberapa negara menerimanya.

"Beberapa diplomat Malaysia yang ketika itu berkhidmat di kedutaan Malaysia di salah sebuah negara tersebut mengesahkan bahawa mereka pernah melihat Altantuya di dalam rombongan Najib," dakwa Sheih lagi.

Pada 28 Jun 2007 lalu, Bernama melaporkan sepupu Altantuya, Burmaa Oyunchimeg memberitahu mahkamah tinggi Shah Alam bahawa beliau pernah melihat gambar Altantuya makan bersama Najib dan Razak Baginda.

Semasa disoal lanjut oleh peguam Karpal Singh, yang bertindak sebagai peguam pemerhati bagi keluarga Altantuya, Burmaa berkata, Altantuya telah menunjukkan kepadanya gambar Altantuya dan Abdul Razak dengan pegawai kerajaan Malaysia itu serta orang lain sedang menikmati jamuan pada satu meja bulat.

Beliau berkata, Altantuya menunjukkan gambar itu di Hong Kong selepas beliau (Altantuya) balik dari Perancis. (Burmaa bertemu dengan Altantuya di Hong Kong).

Karpal: "Boleh kamu terangkan gambar apa?"

Burmaa: "Ada satu gambar, saya fikir, Altantuya dengan Razak Baginda dan seorang pegawai kerajaan Malaysia dan orang lain sedang menikmati jamuan. Mereka duduk di meja bulat.�

Karpal: "Kamu tahu siapa pegawai kerajaan itu?

Burmaa: "Najib Razak. Saya ingat nama Najib Razak kerana nama Razak itu sama (dengan Abdul Razak Baginda)."

Bagaimanapun, Burmaa tidak menunjukkan gambar itu kepada mahkamah.

Lebih buruk lagi, dalam akuan bersumpahnya 1 Julai lalu di hadapan Pesuruhjaya Sumpah di Jalan Tun Razak, Kuala Lumpur, Balasubramaniam pernah mendakwa Najib telah mengadakan hubungan seks dengan Altantuya dan beliau (Altantuya) sanggup mengadakan hubungan seks luar tabii.

Akuan bersumpah itu juga menyatakakan Najib mengarahkan Razak Baginda untuk menjaga Altantuya kerana beliau tidak mahu dia (Altantuya) menganggunya kerana beliau ialah Timbalan Perdana Menteri.

Sama dengan keterangan Burmaa di mahkamah, akuan bersumpah Balasubramaniam itu juga menyatakan Razak Baginda dan atau Altantuya ada memberitahu penyiasat persendirian itu bahawa Najib bersama-sama dengan Razak Baginda dan Altantuya telah berjumpa dan bersama-sama makan malam di Paris.

Bagaimanapun, Balasubramaniam menafikan apa sahaja akuan bersumpahnya yang berkaitan dengan Najib dan menghilangkan diri selepas penafian itu.

Najib dituduh bersama Altantuya (Malaysiakini 3/7/08)
Bala tarik balik akuan berkanun (Malaysiakini 4/7/08)

Posting asal di sini.

Najib lashes out at accusations of 'the Mongolian woman' (Malaysiakini 14/5/08)
Najib tuduh pembangkang reka isu komisyen (Malaysiakini 14/5/08)
Najib jawab tohmahan (Utusan Malaysia 15/5/08)
I never met or knew Altantuya, Najib tells Parliament (The Star, 14/5/08)
Govt denies paying 114 million Euros commission in purchase of submarines (Bernama, 14/5/08)
Malaysia's No. 2 leader rejects opposition claims of corruption (PR-Inside, 14/5/08)
Dewan Rakyat: PLKN tetap diteruskan: Najib

Berita Harian (15/5/08): Program Latihan Khidmat Negara (PLKN) akan diteruskan kerana ia mampu mencapai hasrat Negara Bangsa Malaysia yang menyatukan semua bangsa dan kaum di negara ini, kata Datuk Seri Najib Razak.

Timbalan Perdana Menteri berkata, cadangan supaya PLKN menggunakan kaedah penyertaan sukarela dari kalangan remaja atau lepasan pelajar tidak sesuai kerana langkah itu hanya akan menyaksikan penyertaan satu-satu kaum berikutan kaum lain tidak berminat.

“Program ini penting bagi mewujudkan perpaduan bangsa Malaysia yang kuat dan membentuk jati diri sebagai rakyat yang bersatu padu dan mengamalkan nilai murni,” katanya ketika menggulung perbahasan titah ucapan Yang di-Pertuan Agong bagi Kementerian Pertahanan di Dewan Rakyat, semalam.

Ketika membuat penjelasan berhubung program yang diperkenalkan pada 2004 itu, Ahli DAP terdiri daripada Lim Kit Siang (DAP-Ipoh Timur) dan Fong Po Kuan (DAP-Batu Gajah) kerap mencelah supaya program wajib itu ditamatkan kerana tidak mendatangkan faedah serta tidak mendapat sokongan ibu bapa berikutan banyak kematian pelatih yang mengikuti latihan selama 90 hari di kem di seluruh negara.

Fong juga mendesak supaya PLKN dibuka hanya kepada sukarelawan dan tidak diwajibkan kepada mereka yang terpilih seperti dibuat sekarang.

Najib berkata, sejak 2004 apabila kumpulan pelatih pertama diambil hingga sekarang, 16 kematian dilaporkan membabitkan pelatih PLKN iaitu 11 kematian ketika mengikuti latihan, manakala lima lagi kematian ketika pelatih diberikan pelepasan cuti.

“Daripada 11 itu, tujuh kematian kerana penyakit, manakala empat lagi akibat kemalangan,” kata Najib yang juga Pengerusi Jawatankuasa Kabinet mengenai PLKN.

Beliau berkata, kematian itu hanya membabitkan peratusan kecil daripada pelatih PLKN yang sehingga ini sebanyak 339,186 orang.

Beliau menempelak sesetengah rakyat yang begitu beriya-iya supaya program itu gagal dan ditamatkan, sedangkan rakyat Singapura memberikan sokongan penuh terhadap program yang hampir sama iaitu ‘National Service’.

“Di Singapura, lebih banyak yang mati tetapi rakyat Singapura lebih utama kepentingan nasional,” katanya menyebabkan Dewan Rakyat riuh.

Sementara itu, Najib berkata, dakwaan wujud rasuah dalam perolehan dua kapal selam Scorpene dan 18 pesawat pejuang Sukhoi tidak berasas sama sekali kerana pembelian kelengkapan Angkatan Tentera Malaysia (ATM) itu dibuat mengikut Tatacara Pelaksanaan Kontrak Perolehan Peralatan Pertahanan Negara, membabitkan pelbagai peringkat kelulusan termasuk Jawatankuasa Teknikal dan Jawatankuasa Rundingan Harga.

"Dakwaan yang dibuat Ahli Parlimen Permatang Pauh bahawa Syarikat Perimekar Sdn Bhd menerima komisyen Euro114.96 juta berkaitan pembelian kapal selam Scorpene, kementerian ini menegaskan kerajaan tidak ada dan tidak pernah membayar komisen sama ada secara langsung atau tidak langsung kepada syarikat berkenaan," katanya.

Di akhir penggulungannya, Najib turut menyentuh perbicaraan di Mahkamah Tinggi mengenai pembunuhan wanita Mongolia, Altantuya Shaariibuu yang dikaitkan dengannya, apabila menegaskan beliau tidak pernah mengenali apatah lagi berjumpa dengan wanita itu.

“Namun, Alhamdullillah saya masih dapat bertahan daripada segala tohmahan dan fitnah yang cuba dilemparkan dengan niat mencemarkan nama saya,” katanya enggan membuat komen panjang kerana kes itu masih dalam perbicaraan.

“Biarlah mahkamah terus menjalankan peranan dan tanggungjawab menegakkan keadilan di negara ini tanpa gangguan mana-mana pihak. Dalam masa sama saya berdoa semoga kebenaran akan terserlah demi kedaulatan undang-undang yang kita junjung,” katanya.

No fees in submarine, jet deal

The Star (15/5/08): The Government has never paid anyone commission for the procurement of two Scorpene submarines and 18 Sukhoi fighter jets, said Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.

He said Malaysia had direct negotiations with the countries involved.

The submarines were purchased from France and Spain and the jets from Russia.

“On the allegation made by Yang Berhormat Permatang Pauh (Opposition Leader Datin Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail) that Perimekar Sdn Bhd had received a commission of ?114.96mil (RM580.46mil) in the Scorpene submarines deal, the ministry wants to stress that the Government has never paid any commission directly or indirectly to the company.

“On the purchase of Sukhoi, I want to stress that the Government has never paid any commission to IMT (M) Defence Sdn Bhd as alleged,” Najib said in his winding-up speech on the motion of thanks on the Royal Address in the Dewan Rakyat here yesterday.

He was responding to renewed allegations by Wan Azizah that the purchase of the two submarines worth RM4.5bil involved the payment of a commission exceeding RM540mil to Perimekar.

Wan Azizah had also alleged that Perimekar was owned by Abdul Razak Baginda, who was an adviser to Najib.

He said the contract was signed on June 5, 2002, by the Malaysian Government with manufacturers DCNS (France) and Navantia (Spain) and Perimekar Sdn Bhd, as the project services provider.

Najib also explained that Syarikat Perimekar Sdn Bhd, which was owned by Armed Forces Welfare Fund, Boustead Holdings Berhad and K.S Ombak Laut Sdn Bhd, had to provide accommodation for 27 families of the officers in France and Spain for six years.

On allegations against him being involved in the murder case of Mongolian Altantuya Shaariibuu, Najib reiterated that he had never met or knew the woman.

He also said he did not want to make any comments as the hearing of the case was still going on.

“I know that some of the Dewan members are concerned about the court case of the murder of a Mongolian woman, and I also know that there are some members who deliberately tried to link my name to the case.

“Let the court play its role and carry out its responsibility to uphold justice in this country without any party interfering,” he said.

On the issue of national service, Najib said the Government would continue with the programme as it promotes unity although there were accidents and fatal cases.

Najib said the ministry was also considering making medical check-ups compulsory for every trainee.

Malaysia's No. 2 leader rejects opposition claims

The Hindu News Update Service (15/5/08): Malaysia's deputy prime minister defended himself against accusations of corruption and involvement in a murder case that the opposition says make him unfit to become the country's leader.

Najib Razak, who is also defence minister, has been increasingly targeted by the opposition, which has sought to link him to scandals, including allegedly dubious defence contracts and the slaying of a Mongolian woman.

In an speech to Parliament late Wednesday, Najib said the opposition has made ``completely baseless'' claims that major military procurements conducted by his ministry were tainted by graft.

Many politicians expect Najib to succeed Prime Minister Abdullah Ahmad Badawi. After their ruling coalition suffered stinging losses in March general elections, Abdullah pledged to hand over power to Najib in a leadership transition they would start planning after December. (AP)

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Pendakwaan Raja Petra bukan bermotif politik

Berita Harian (8/5/08): Timbalan Perdana Menteri, Datuk Seri Najib Razak menegaskan pendakwaan ke atas penulis blog, Raja Petra Raja Kamaruddin di Mahkamah Sesyen Petaling Jaya, bukan bermotifkan politik walaupun ia mempunyai kaitan dengan dakwaan Raja Petra ke atas beliau dan isteri, Datin Seri Rosmah Mansor.

Beliau berkata, kes terhadap Raja Petra adalah mengikut Akta Hasutan 1948 dan ia tidak boleh dilihat sebagai usaha kerajaan untuk mengambil tindakan terhadap semua penulis blog atau menyekat kebebasan bersuara di negara ini.

"Kerajaan sentiasa mempunyai pendirian terbuka terhadap penulis blog serta internet dan kita akan meneruskannya. Tetapi saya ingin ingatkan, negara ini mempunyai undang-undang khusus terhadap sebarang perkara berkaitan fitnah dan hasutan.

"Janganlah mereka (penulis blog) rasakan dengan menggunakan alam siber, mereka bebas daripada semua undang-undang ini," katanya pada sidang media selepas mengiringi Sultan Brunei, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah yang mengadakan lawatan kerja ke Kem Iskandar di sini, semalam.

Hadir sama, Panglima Angkatan Tentera Malaysia (ATM), Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Zainal dan Panglima Tentera Darat, Tan Sri Muhammad Ismail Jamaluddin.

Najib berkata demikian ketika diminta mengulas terhadap pendakwaan Raja Petra di Mahkamah Sesyen di Petaling Jaya, kelmarin.

Raja Petra, 58, dituduh kerana menerbitkan artikel bertajuk Let's Send The Altantuya Murderers To Hell dalam laman web www.malaysia-today.net pada 25 April lalu.

Artikel berkenaan secara langsung merujuk Najib dan Rosmah sebagai pembunuh wanita Mongolia, Altantuya Shaariibuu sedangkan kes berkenaan sedang dibicarakan di Mahkamah Tinggi Shah Alam.

Ini adalah kali keempat Raja Petra disiasat terhadap artikel di dalam laman web berkenaan dan jika bersalah, dia boleh dikenakan denda RM5,000 atau penjara maksimum tiga tahun atau kedua-duanya.

Najib berkata, kerajaan tidak bimbang dengan tindakan berkenaan yang boleh membuatkannya tidak popular di kalangan rakyat kerana undang-undang perlu ditegakkan demi kestabilan serta ketenteraman awam.

"Saya tidak berasakan kerajaan tidak popular dengan tindakan ini. Kita perlu mewujudkan satu garis antara perkara yang benar dan salah," katanya.

Bagaimanapun, beliau enggan mengulas segala dakwaan Raja Petra terhadap beliau atau kenyataan Raja Petra bahawa penulis blog mengisytiharkan perang terhadap kerajaan.

"Dia (Raja Petra) bebas untuk berkata apa saja, saya tidak mahu mengulas mengenai perkara itu," katanya.

Ruckus over RPK in Parliament (Malaysia Today 7/5/08)
Saksikan video lapan minit di Malaysiakini.TV (Malaysiakini TV 6/5/08)
Raja Petra charged with sedition over 9 paragraphs (Susan Loone 6/5/58)
Gambar RPK - Raja Petra will never walk alone!! (Edy)
Bullyboys on rampage again (Malaysiakita 3/5/58)
Picture report on RPK's hearing (Malaysia Today 6/5/08)
Raja Petra pleads not guilty to sedition charge (Bernama)
Raja Petra didakwa terbit artikel menghasut (Utusan Malaysia 6/5/08)
Malaysian blogger jailed over article allegedly implicating deputy PM in killing (IHT 6/5/08)
Malaysia: Blogger charged with sedition (Adnkronos International)
Posting-posting berkaitan (Google)
Raja Petra claims trial for sedition

Ihsan The Star (6/5/08): Raja Petra Kamaruddin, the editor of news portal Malaysia Today, claimed trial at the PJ Sessions Court to publishing a seditious article on April 25.

He was charged under Section 4(1)(c) of the Sedition Act 1948.

Nine paragraphs in his article titled "Let’s send the Altantuya murderers to hell" were found to be seditious.

The article was posted on his website on April 25.

The court set his bail at RM5,000.

Raja Petra did not post bail. His wife Marina Lee Abdullah said he is hoping to raise the money through his news portal.

As of 2.30pm Tuesday, he was still in lockup at the PJ sessions court.

Earlier Tuesday, Raja Petra arrived at the magistrates’ court in the Kuala Lumpur Court Complex in Jalan Duta at 9.06am.

He was later instructed to go to the PJ Sessions Court to be charged.

A crowd of about a hundred people were gathered at the Jalan Duta court. Among them were bloggers and Opposition MPs including Salahuddin Ayub (Kubang Kerian), Datuk Kamarul Baharin Abbas (Teluk Kemang) and Nurul Izzah Anwar (Lembah Pantai).

At 2pm Tuesday, businessman Syed Akbar Ali was also charged under Section 4(1)(c) of the Sedition Act 1948 at a sessions court here for posting a comment on Raja Petra's site on June 5, 2007.

The ex-banker, aged 48, posted the RM3,000 bail set by the court.

Hearing for the submissions whether the charge was groundless is set for June 10.